Other Writings By Michael Ross

Awaiting the End of Time by
Michael B. Ross
But according to
his promise we await new
heavens and a new
earth in which
righteousness
dwells.
(2 Peter 3:13)
The end time. The
end of all things and all life
as we know it. A
terrible time. A very frightening
time. A time when
“the heavens will pass away
with a terrible
noise and heavenly bodies will
disappear in fire,
and the earth and everything on
it will be burned
up” (2 Peter 3:10).
But as fearsome
as that time promises to be, it
also promises to be
the most glorious of times. A
terrible and painful
transformation from the
limited experience
that we have now to what God
promises we will
have with him. It is the time of
the final judgment,
when all people will be
gathered before God.
Judgment day, when the
righteous and just
will be separated from the
unrighteous and
unjust. The time when the
ungodly will be cast
into damnation, while the
godly inherit “a new
earth in which righteousness
dwells.”
What Is God
Waiting For? The righteous are
sometimes very
impatient, secure in their
knowledge of
salvation, eager to reap the
rewards promised by
God, and just as eager to
see all sinners
punished. “We deserve salvation,”
they cry. “They
deserve damnation. What is God
waiting for?”
God is love. And
one way that he shows this love
is through his
infinite patience, not just for the
righteous, but for
the transgressors as well. If
God only cared about
the righteous, the end time
would have come
centuries ago. But God cares
for all of us, even
the greatest of sinners. God
loves all of us. He
wants all of us to find our way
home to him. He
doesn’t want to leave anyone
behind. “The Lord is
not slow to do what he has
promised, as some
think. Instead, he is patient
with you, because he
does not want anyone to
be destroyed, but
wants all to turn away from
their sins” (2 Peter
3:9).
I am one of the
greatest of sinners. I have
murdered eight women
in a horrible way. Many
believe that I have
no place in heaven, and that
instead I should be
condemned to hell. Not too
long ago, I would
have agreed with them. I had
given up on myself.
I couldn’t see beyond my
bloodstained hands.
I couldn’t see beyond the
anger and hatred in
my heart. I was consumed
by an evil sickness
that made me less than
human. And I
believed that I was beyond
redemption. I
couldn’t believe in myself; I
couldn’t forgive
myself; I couldn’t love myself.
And if I couldn’t do
these things, how could I
expect God to love
me?
God Is Love. But
God loves me. I can’t say that
I fully understand
why he would love someone
such as I--one of
the greatest of all sinners--but
he does. This is
exactly what God’s love is. It
isn’t a love that is
saved for the righteous alone.
It isn’t a love that
is saved only for the
deserving. It is an
unconditional love that is
offered to
everyone--even to someone such as
myself.
God wants all of
us to come home to him. That’s
why he sent Jesus to
us. Remember in Matthew,
when Jesus ate at
the tax collector’s home with
a variety of sinners
and outcasts? Remember his
words to the
Pharisees who were outraged that
he would associate
with such sinners? “People
who are well do not
need a doctor, but those
who are sick. . . .
I have not come to
respectable people,
but outcasts” (Matthew
9:12,13).
God loves us all.
And he is reaching out to us all.
His greatest wish is
that we all return to him. It’s
easy to welcome the
righteous, and it’s easy to
reject the sinners.
That’s what we all tend to do.
As one theologian
put it, “We are quick to
moralize, and slow
to love. We have been
forgiven much and
embraced by a compassionate
God, but are too
slow, if not totally unwilling, to
be accepting,
forgiving, compassionate, and
loving.”
God doesn’t take
the easy way out. He doesn’t
turn away from us.
We may turn away from him,
but God will never
turn away from us. And he
doesn’t give up on
us, even when we have given
up on ourselves. He
works to transform sinners.
This isn’t easy, and
it takes time. But God is
merciful enough to
give us that time.
Transformation
takes time, and is quite often
painful. Sinners
such as myself understand this all
too well. My
personal transformation took years.
It was a long,
painful process of self-realization
and growth, and I’m
not finished yet. Even Paul
recognized personal
transformation as an ongoing
process when he
wrote, “I don’t mean to say
that I am perfect. I
haven’t learned all I should
even yet, but I keep
working toward that day
when I will finally
be all that Christ saved me for
and wants me to be”
(Philippians 3:12).
God Rolled Up His
Sleeves. God got his hands
dirty with me. I was
as sinful as they come. I
didn’t deserve his
help. I didn’t deserve his love.
Yet as filthy and
repulsive as I was, God wasn’t
afraid to roll up
his sleeves and reach down into
that dark, dank pit
of evil to give me--the
greatest of
sinners--a hand up to the light. It
didn’t happen
overnight. There is no such thing
as an instant
victory over sin. It is a long, ugly,
painful process. And
it only happens because God
is patient and loves
us enough to give us the
time we need.
It took a lot of
work before the Holy Spirit began
to influence who I
was. It took a lot of time and
effort--not just on
my part, but on the part of
God who didn’t give
up on me and touched me
with the Holy
Spirit, and on the part of a very
special priest, who,
like God, refused to give up
on me.
There are a lot
of others out there like me,
sinners whom the
righteous have given up on.
But God hasn’t given
up on them. The day of “a
new earth in which
righteousness dwells” will
come. Perhaps not as
soon as some might wish,
but it will come as
promised. It’s just that God is
in no hurry. And he
is giving every opportunity
possible for even
the greatest of sinners to
repent and transform
their lives.
Editor’s note:
Michael B. Ross has been on death
row since June of 1987. He is currently
under a stay of execution pending the
resolution
of the appeals
process.
Published in THE NEW TIMES
http://www.newtimes.org/issue/0012/capital.htm
America Does Not Need Capital
Punishment - by Michael B. Ross
"When we abolished the punishment
for treason that you should be hanged and then
cut down while still alive, then
disemboweled while still alive, and then quartered, we
did not abolish that punishment because
we sympathized with traitors, but because
we took the view that this was a
punishment no longer consistent with our
self-respect."
These words, spoken by Lord
Chancellor Gardiner during the 1965 death penalty
abolition debates in the British
Parliament, illustrate the feeling of most individuals
opposed to capital punishment. It's not
sympathy toward the murderer that we feel;
indeed, most of us feel a great deal of
anger and revulsion toward all murderers and
their actions. Our objection is that
the death penalty is a complete renunciation of all
that is embodied in our concept of
humanity. More simply put, executions degrade us
all.
In today's society, the execution
process is far removed from most individual citizens.
We may, or more likely may not, be
aware of the criminal acts that put an individual on
death row — and if we are, it is
usually only through sensationalized press accounts
— but very few of us know of the human
being whom society has condemned to
death. Even fewer of us have witnessed,
or ever will witness, an actual execution.
They are carried out in the middle of
the night, in the dark, away from us all, to hide
what they really are: a barbaric
punishment symbolic of our less civilized past.
The public is kept as far away as
possible from the whole process to keep them from
seeing that human beings — real flesh
and blood, real people — are being put to
death. This deliberate dehumanization
of the entire process makes it easier for us to
distance ourselves from capital
punishment and to accept it as "something
government does," which in turn allows
us to avoid accepting individual responsibility
for the consequences of such actions.
But we are in fact responsible, for our state and
federal government are killing people
in our names.
There are acceptable alternatives to
capital punishment that are more in line with the
values of our supposedly enlightened
and humanistic society. The state is supposed
to be the pillar of our ideals, and its
institutions should emulate the best values of our
society. Are not the greatest of these
values our compassion, our concern for human
rights, and our capacity for mercy? By
continuing to conduct executions, aren't we
undermining the very foundations of our
greatness?
As Zimbabwe poet Chenjerai Hove
wrote, "The death sentence is abominable, as
abominable as the crime itself. Our
society must be based on love, not hatred and
victimization. Our penal code must be
based on rehabilitation rather than
annihilation." For so long as the
spirit of vengeance maintains the slightest vestige of
respectability, so long as it pervades
the public mind and infuses its evil upon the
statute books of law, we will make no
headway toward the control of crime in our
society.
There are suitable alternatives.
Individuals who are a danger to society must be
removed from society. Society has the
right to protect itself; there is no disputing that.
If rehabilitation is not possible, or
is not a consideration, then that removal must be
made permanent, but that permanent
removal need not take the form of the death
penalty.
Those who favor the abolition of
capital punishment do not advocate releasing
convicted murderers into society. The
choice is not between the death penalty and
unconditional release, but between the
death penalty and meaningful long-term
sentences. Life without the possibility
of parole, or a natural life sentence, meets the
necessary requirements of society
without being excessively brutal or barbaric.
Feelings of retribution, vengeance,
blood atonement, and the like are difficult to
suppress. Perhaps there are some
individuals who, in some sense, "deserve" to be
executed. But the real question that
needs to be asked is, Do we really need the
death penalty? In light of such
suitable alternatives as natural life sentences, is society
in general paying too high a price when
it executes its own citizens? The late United
States Supreme Court Justice Thurgood
Marshall once wrote, "I cannot agree that the
American people have been so hardened,
so embittered that they want to take the life
of one who performs even the basest
criminal act knowing that the execution is
nothing more than bloodlust."
It is time for us to acknowledge the
death penalty for what it really is — barbaric
savagery, pure and simple — and abolish
it nationwide by replacing it with natural life
sentences. By rejecting the seemingly
simple solutions that compromise our values
and undermine the fundamental
principles of society, we maintain the greatness of
our country. It is certainly true that
by giving in to our basest emotions, we lower
ourselves to the very level of the
persons whom we wish to execute, and in the
process weaken the moral fibers that
bind and protect our society.
While it is admittedly difficult at
times, when we recognize the humanity of even the
vilest criminal — when we acknowledge
them as fellow human beings rather than as
objects to be discarded — we pay
ourselves the highest of tributes and celebrate our
own humanity.
What can you do? You can get
involved, for no justice is done if everyone leaves the
work of justice to others. There are
numerous local, state, and national organizations
working hard to rid this country of
capital punishment. They need your help and
support. For a list of these groups
send $3 for The Abolitionist's Directory to The
National Coalition to Abolish the Death
Penalty; 1436 "U" Street NW, Suite #104;
Washington, DC 20009, or call (202)
387-3890. And please tell them that Michael
Ross sent you. Together we can make a
difference.
Michael Ross is a condemned man on
Connecticut's death row. He has been on
death row since June 1987, and is
currently under a stay of execution pending the
resolution of the appeals process.
From Truth Seeker
http://www.banned-books.com/truth-seeker/1994archive/121_5/ts215k.html
Unmasking The Face of Death - by Michael Ross
"When we abolished the
punishment for treason that you should be
hanged and then cut down
while still alive, then disemboweled while
still alive, and then
quartered, we did not abolish that punishment
because we sympathized
with traitors, but because we took the view
that this was a punishment
no longer consistent with our self-respect."
These words, spoken by Lord
Chancellor Gardiner during the 1965 death penalty
abolition debates in the
British Parliament, illustrate the feeling felt by most
individuals opposed to capital
punishment. It's not sympathy towards the murderer
that we feel; indeed, most of
us feel a great deal of anger and revulsion towards all
murderers and their actions.
Our objection is that it is a complete renunciation of all
that is embodied in our concept
of humanity. Or, simply put, executions degrade us
all.
In today's society, the
execution process is far removed from most individual
citizens. We may or may not be
aware of the criminal acts that put an individual on
death row-and even then usually
only through sensationalized press accounts-but
very few of us know of the
human being whom society has condemned to death.
And even fewer of us have ever
witnessed, or will ever witness, an actual
execution. This deliberate
dehumanization of the whole process makes it much
easier for us to distance
ourselves from capital punishment and to accept it "as
something government does,"
which allows us not to be individually responsible for
the consequences of such
actions.
But we are responsible, for
our state and federal governments are killing people in
our names. And we should be
made aware of the human side of these executions.
To do so I would like to share
with you an extract from an affidavit by David
Bruce, an attorney who stayed
with a condemned man, Terry Roach, during the
last hours before his execution
and actually witnessed the execution.
I assisted with Terry
Roach's defense during the last month before his execution,
and I spent the last four hours
with Terry Roach in his cell when he was
electrocuted on January 10,
1986.
Although I have known Terry
slightly for several years, meeting him in the course
of visits to see other inmates
on South Carolina's death row, my first long
conversation with Terry
occurred less than a month before his death. An execution
date had already been set, and
he seemed frightened and very nervous. I was
struck at that time by how
obviously mentally retarded Terry was . . . I had known
from following his case through
the courts that he had been diagnosed as mildly
mentally retarded, but I was
still surprised at his slack-jawed and slow way of
speaking, and at the evident
lack of understanding of much of what we were telling
him about the efforts that were
underway to persuade Governor Riley to grant
clemency.
The next time that I would
see Terry was on the night of his execution. The lawyers
who had worked on his case for
the past eight years were at the Supreme Court in
Washington, so I had decided to
look in on Terry that night after his family had had
to leave for the last time, to
see if I could help him with anything or just keep him
company. When I arrived, he had
decided to ask me to stay with him through the
night and accompany him when he
was taken to the chair. So along with Marie
Deans, a paralegal and
counselor who works with condemned prisoners in
Virginia, I stayed.
Although Terry was
twenty-five years old by the time of his death, he seemed very
childlike. In general, his
demeanor and his reactions to the people around him
appeared to me to comport with
the finding, made at his last psychological
evaluation, that his IQ was
70-a score that placed his intellectual functioning at
about the level of a
twelve-year-old child. When his family minister showed him
some prayers from the Bible
that they would read together, Terry asked him which
ones he thought would be
especially likely to help him into heaven; his questions
about this seemed based on the
childish assumption that one prayer was likely to
"work" better than another, and
that he just needed some advice about which ones
would work best. Later in the
night, he asked me to read him a long letter about
reincarnation that a man from
California had sent to him just that day; he listened to
the letter with wonder, like a
small child at bedtime, trusting and uncritical. Both
Marie and I were struck by how
calmed Terry seemed by the sound of a voice
reading to him in the resonant
cell, and we spent much of the remaining time
reading to him while he
listened, gazing at the reader with rapt attention.
He had a final statement
which his girlfriend had helped him write. When I arrived
that night, the statement was
on three small scraps of paper, in his girlfriend's
handwriting. I copied it out
for him, and got him to read it out loud a few times. No
matter how many times he tried,
the word "enemies" came out "emenies." He kept
practicing it, but pronouncing
the written word just seemed beyond his capabilities.
Still, he seemed to like the
rehearsal: like everything we did that night, it filled the
time and acknowledged that he
was doing something very difficult.
Terry was a very passive
young man, and that showed all through the night.
Although he was obviously
frightened, he was as cooperative as possible with the
guards, and he tried to pretend
that all of the ritual preparation-the shaving of his
head and right leg, the
prolonged rubbing in of electrical conducting gel-was all a
normal sort of thing to have
happen. He wanted the approval of those around him,
and he seemed well aware that
this night he could gain everyone's approval by
being brave and keeping his
fear at bay.
Still, when the warden
appeared in the cell door at 5:00 a.m. and read the death
warrant, while Terry stood,
each wrist immobilized in a manacle known as the
"claw," his left leg began to
shake in large, involuntary movements. After that
everything happened quickly. I
walked to the chair with him, and talked to him as
much as I could. He wanted me
to read his statement, but I told him that he ought
to try and I'd read it if he
couldn't. His voice was only a little shaky, and he
managed quite well, except for
"emenies." After he had repeated the name of a
friend of mine who had recently
died, and whom he had offered to look up for me
when he got to heaven, I left
him and walked to the witness area, where I gave him
a "thumbs-up" sign. He signaled
back with his fingers, as much as the straps
permitted. We signaled to each
other once more just before the mask was pulled
down over his face.
A few seconds later the
current hit. Terry's body snapped back and held frozen for
the whole time that the current
ran through his body. After a few seconds, steam
began to rise from his body,
and the skin on his thighs just above the electrode
began to distend and blister.
His fists were clenched and very white. His body
slumped when the power was
turned off, and jerked erect again when it resumed.
When he was declared dead,
several guards wrestled his body out of the chair and
onto a stretcher, while taking
care to conceal his face (no longer covered by the
mask) from the view of the
witnesses and me by covering it with a sheet. I left the
death house at about this time
in the company of the warden. As we stepped out of
the building, I heard the
whoops of a crowd of about 150 or 200 demonstrators
who had apparently come to
celebrate the execution, and who were yelling and
cheering outside the prison
gates.
Executions degrade us all.
They are held in the middle of the night, in the dark,
away from us all, to hide what
they really are. The men who are condemned to
death are dehumanized by the
state and by the press, to make it easier to carry out
their executions. The public is
kept as far away as possible from the whole process
to keep them from seeing that
human beings, real flesh and blood, real people, are
being put to death. That is the
only way that any state or government can continue
with executions without the
public demanding their eradication.
Our politicians often leap
at the chance that the death penalty gives them to sound
tough on crime. But what they
are really doing is playing on the strong feelings of
anxiety, frustration and anger
that most people feel towards the seemingly
uncontrollable plague of crime
that our country is currently experiencing. However,
such rhetoric in reality
detracts from the real work at hand of developing genuine
programs of crime prevention
and control. As such, the death penalty becomes the
perfect political red herring-a
program that sounds tough on crime and helps to
create a false sense of
security, but one that in all reality saps our already limited
resources.
There are acceptable
alternatives to capital punishment that are more in line with
the values of our supposedly
enlightened and humanistic society. The state is
supposed to be the pillar of
our ideals, and its institutions should emulate the best
values of our society. And are
not the greatest of these values our compassion, our
concern for human rights, and
our capacity for mercy? By continuing to conduct
executions, aren't we
undermining the very foundations of our greatness? As
Zimbabwe Poet Chenjerai Hove
wrote: "The death sentence is abominable, as
abominable as the crime itself.
Our state must be based on love, not hatred and
victimization. Our penal code
must be based on rehabilitation rather than
annihilation." For no legal
order can sustain itself unless it reflects an underlying
moral order of society.
There are suitable
alternatives. Individuals who are a danger to society must be
removed from society. Society
has the right to protect itself, there is no question
about that. If rehabilita-tion
is not possible or is not a consideration, then that
removal must be made permanent.
But it need not be excessive.
Those who favor the
abolition of the death penalty do not advocate releasing
convicted murderers into
society. The choice is not between the death penalty and
unconditional release, but
between the death penalty and a meaningful life sentence.
Life without the possibility of
parole, or natural life sentences, meet the necessary
requirements of society.
Feelings of retribution,
vengeance, blood atonement, and the like are difficult
feelings to suppress. Perhaps
some individuals "deserve" to die. But in light of
suitable alternatives, such as
natural life sentences, is society in general paying too
high a price when it executes
its own citizens? Retired U.S. Supreme Court Justice
Thurgood Marshall once wrote:
"I cannot agree that the American people have
been so hardened, so embittered
that they want to take the life of one who
performs even the basest
criminal act knowing that the execution is nothing more
than bloodlust."
It is time for us to acknow-ledge
the death penalty for what it really is rather than
for what we wish it to be. By
rejecting the simple solutions that compromise our
values and undermine the
fundamental principles of our society, we maintain the
greatness of our country. For
it is certainly true that by giving in to our basest
emotions we lower ourselves to
the level of the very persons that we wish to
execute, and in the process
weaken the moral fibers that bind and protect our
society.
And while it is admittedly
difficult at times, when we recognize the humanity of even
the vilest criminals, when we
acknowledge them as fellow human beings rather than
as objects to be discarded, we
pay ourselves the highest of tributes and celebrate
our own humanity.
What can you do to help?
There are several organizations working diligently to
abolish capital punishment in
America. They need your help and support. Please
contact one of the following
groups:
Amnesty International USA
(Campaign to Abolish the Death Penalty) 322 Eighth
Ave.; New York, NY 10001
Telephone 212-807-8400
American Civil Liberties
Union (Capital Punishment Project) 122 Maryland Ave,
NE Washington, DC 20002
Telephone 202-675-2319
National Coalition to
Abolish the Death Penalty 918 "F" Street, NW, 6th Floor
Washington, DC 20004 Telephone
202-347-2510
Catholics Against Capital
Punishment P.O. Box #3125; Arlington, VA 22203
Telephone 703-522-5014
Murder Victims Families For
Reconciliation 2093 Willow Creek Road; Portage,
IN 46368 Telephone 219-763-2170
Michael Ross is a condemned
man on Connecticut's death row. He has been on
death row since June 1987. He
is currently under a stay of execution pending the
resolution of the appeal
process. Michael Ross #127404, Death Row - Somers
Prison, P.O. Box 100, Somers,
CT 06071
from THE QUAKER ABOLITIONIST Summer
1997 comments? email:
fcadp@aol.com
Fatal Mistakes and
the Criminal 'Injustice' System
By Michael Ross
and Kurt Rosenberg
"Nothing could be more contrary to
contemporary standards of decency or more shocking to
the conscience than to execute a person
who is actually innocent. That comes perilously close
to simple murder." Former U.S. Supreme
Court Justice Harry Blackmun
Generally, Americans know very little
about who is executed and why. And they are blissfully
unaware of the potential dangers of
executing an innocent person. Our judicial system relies on a
burden of proof called "beyond a
reasonable doubt," which is intended to protect the innocent.
But it is not foolproof. As the late
U.S. Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall once wrote: "No
matter how careful the courts are, the
possibility of perjured testimony, mistaken honest testimony
and human error remain too real. We have
no way of judging how many innocent persons have been
executed, but we can be certain that
there are some."
Perhaps no aspect of the death penalty
troubles the public more than the possible execution of
someone who is innocent. A poll found
that fifty-eight percent of Americans are disturbed by the fact
that the death penalty might result in
the execution of someone who is innocent. The most conclusive
evidence that innocent persons have been
condemned to death comes from examining the large
number of cases of people who were
sentenced to die and lucky enough to eventually prove their
innocence and gain release from death
row. And, according to a new report by the Death Penalty
Information Center, the danger of an
innocent person being put to death is growing.
Since 1973, sixty-nine people, more
than one percent of all death-row prisoners, have been released
from death row after evidence of their
innocence surfaced. Seventeen of these condemned prisoners,
including seven from Illinois alone, have
been released since 1993. And the pace at which innocent
people have been released over the past
three-and-a-half years is almost double the rate from
1973-93, according to the Center. For
those quick to credit the criminal justice system for "working"
because these individuals were not
executed, it's important to take a close look at such cases. In
many instances, innocence was discovered
not because of the normal appeals process but as a result
of new scientific techniques,
investigations by journalists, and the tireless work of dedicated
attorneys. None of these resources are
available to most death-row prisoners. In Illinois last
summer, murder charges against four men
-- two of whom received death sentences -- were
dropped when it was discovered that the
wrong men had been convicted.
The investigation was conducted by
three journalism students who had been assigned the case in
class. The increasing number of innocent
defendants turning up on death rows across America is a
clear sign that the system is fraught
with fundamental errors -- errors which cannot be remedied once
an execution occurs. Says Richard Deiter,
the Death Penalty Information Center's executive director,
"The current emphasis on faster
executions, less resources for the defense, and an expansion in the
number of death cases mean that the
execution of innocent people is inevitable."
The political climate has caused a
dramatic narrowing in death-row prisoners' ability to file appeals
and to raise newly discovered evidence of
innocence. Meanwhile, federal funding of legal resource
centers, which helped vindicate some of
those who were innocent, has been completely withdrawn.
Some courts have actually said it is
permissible for executions to go forward despite serious doubt
about the defendant's guilt.
The DPIC report, which highlights
these issues, is "a serious indictment of the American capital
punishment system," says Alabama lawyer
Bryan Stevenson, one of the nation's leading anti-death
penalty attorneys. No one knows the
perils of the system better than Stevenson. He was the lawyer
for Walter McMillian, who was released in
1993 after spending nearly six years on Alabama's death
row because of perjured testimony and
withheld evidence. McMillian was convicted of the shooting
death of a storekeeper despite the fact
that on the day of the murder he was at a fish fry with friends
and relatives, many of whom testified on
his behalf. No physical evidence linked him to the crime but
three people who testified at the trial
connected him to the murder. All three witnesses received
favors from the state for their
incriminating testimony. After listening to a recording of a key witness's
testimony, a volunteer lawyer flipped the
tape over to find out if anything was on the other side.
What he heard was complaints from the
same witness that he was being pressured to frame Walter
McMillian. With that fortuitous break,
the entire case against McMillian began to crumble. Every
element of the prosecution's case has
since been discredited, and all three of its witnesses recanted
their testimony.
If the imposition of capital
punishment under any circumstances is a disgrace to a country that
considers itself the standard bearer for
human rights, it becomes even more appalling when death
sentences are handed out to those who are
innocent. The details of such cases can be lurid and
nightmarish, recalling a time when
frontier justice was the rule. Of course, in some places it still is.
In 1980, when the Conroe, Texas,
police department needed a conviction in the case of a white,
16-year-old high school student who was
raped and murdered, it chose Clarence Brandley, an
African-American janitor. During an
interview of two suspects, a police officer warned, "One of you
is gonna hang for this," then turned to
Brandley and said, "Since you're the nigger, you're elected."
After spending a decade on death row and
coming within six days of being executed, Brandley was
freed when it was shown the prosecution
had suppressed exculpatory evidence and perjured
testimony by its witnesses.
Cases such as Brandley's support the
contention of Samuel Gross, a noted author and researcher at
the University of Michigan Law School who
argues that mistakes are actually more likely to occur in
capital cases. When a child is brutally
raped and murdered or a police officer is killed, the public
watches day after day until a suspect is
produced. Working under tremendous pressure, police and
prosecutors will at times go to any
lengths to "solve" a community's most notorious murders. And
when there are no eyewitnesses to a
murder, says Gross, the state relies on such unreliable sources
of evidence as accomplices, jailhouse
snitches and pressured confessions from the defendant.
Contrary to what the public -- and
most juries -- may believe, a defendant's confession is not a
dependable indicator of guilt. Intense
police coercion, or a defendant's mental handicap can easily
lead an innocent suspect to be overly
cooperative and to supply information the police want to hear,
information that may well result in a
death sentence at trial.
The heinousness of the facts in a
typical death-penalty case can also lead a jury to return a guilty
verdict, according to Gross. Releasing a
defendant who is probably guilty (but not guilty beyond a
reasonable doubt) of a brutal slaying is
far more difficult than releasing someone who is probably
guilty of a simple misdemeanor. "The
steady stream of errors that we see in capital cases in which
defendants are sentenced to death," says
Gross, "is a predictable consequence of our system of
investigating and prosecuting capital
murder."
Once an innocent defendant has been
convicted and sentenced to death, his chances of eventual
exoneration are poor. After the initial
trial, the presumption of innocence is shed and replaced with a
presumption of guilt. The burden falls on
the defendant to prove he or she is not guilty, and it is no
longer enough to raise a reasonable
doubt. To overturn a conviction, the defendant must produce
"clear and convincing" proof of
innocence. The ever-shortening appeals process is not generally
concerned with whether or not the jury
made a mistake in the verdict. Instead, it focuses on the legal
procedures during the trial leading up to
that verdict.
Almost every death-penalty state
employs stringent time limits on presenting the court with new
evidence of one's innocence. For example,
in Virginia a defendant must present new evidence of
innocence within a mere 21 days of his or
her conviction for that evidence to be considered by an
appeals court. Any first-year law student
will tell you that this is an absurdly small window of time for
even the finest attorney to bring new
evidence to light. Of course, like so many condemned
prisoners, Roger Coleman had anything but
the finest attorneys, both at trial and for his initial appeal.
On appeal, his new attorneys misread the
Virginia statute regarding the time limit for appeals and
filed their appeal one day late. The
courts held that the late filing was the same as not filing and
refused to review Coleman's case, despite
substantial evidence of his innocence. And the U.S.
Supreme Court ruled that he could not
complain that his attorney had erred, because he was not
legally entitled to an attorney after his
initial trial. Roger Coleman was executed in 1992, his claims of
innocence ignored. As former Virginia
Attorney General Mary Sue Terry so succinctly put it:
"Evidence of innocence is irrelevant."
A year later, the Supreme Court
virtually echoed Terry's shocking but true statement in the Texas
case of Leonel Herrera. Despite
compelling evidence that it was not he but his brother Raul who had
killed two police officers, Herrera fell
victim to Texas' "30-day rule" for introducing new evidence.
The Supreme Court denied his motion for a
new trial, ruling that Herrera's claim of "actual
innocence" was not a constitutional
claim, and that the Constitution does not forbid the execution of
an innocent person as long as the
original trial was fair. Leonel Herrera's execution on May 12, 1993
makes one wonder what protection the
United States Constitution can genuinely offer us if it allows
the execution of someone who is innocent.
Clearly, today's draconian standards
for proving one's innocence are irrelevant if one has a
thoroughly incompetent lawyer . . . or no
lawyer at all. When Exzavious Gibson recently appeared
before a Georgia court reviewing his
capital conviction, he faced a team of experienced prosecutors
-- by himself. Gibson repeatedly told the
judge that he did not know the law and had no attorney to
represent him. Nevertheless, the judge
proceeded with the hearing and denied Gibson's appeal. In
the past, Gibson might have been
represented by the federally funded Georgia Resource Center. But
last year, federal funding for all 20
death penalty legal resource centers, which provided prisoners
with dedicated attorneys, and helped
discover and vindicate a number of innocent people on the
row, was completely withdrawn by
Congress.
As a result, the likelihood that those
who are innocent will be executed has increased dramatically.
The estimate that one percent of
death-row prisoners is innocent is undoubtedly conservative. Given
the extraordinary resources needed to
discover and ultimately free an innocent person from death
row -- which most prisoners do not have
access to -- the rate may be considerably higher. And the
well-know study by Hugo Bedau and Michael
Radelet revealing 416 cases of mistaken convictions
in potentially capital cases since 1900,
including 23 executions of innocent people, in all likelihood
also underestimates the pervasiveness of
the problem. Stevenson, the Alabama lawyer, says that
"possibly hundreds" of innocent people
may be among the more than 3,300 men and women on
death rows across the United States. S
till, says Deiter of the Death Penalty
Information Center, the fact that even one out of 100 death-row
prisoners may be innocent is a disturbing
figure, proof that the death-penalty system is, quite literally,
plagued with fatal flaws. "Certainly," he
says, "such a record would be totally unacceptable for a car
company whose cars were so defective that
they caused fatal crashes in one out of 100 vehicles."
But as long as capital punishment remains
a part of our "justice" system, innocent persons will
continue to be executed. It is
inevitable. The abolition of the death penalty is the only guaranteed
protection against this tragedy.
-Michael Ross has been on
Connecticut's death row for almost a decade and plans to waive
his appeals. Kurt Rosenberg is national
coordinator of the Friends Committee to Abolish the
Death Penalty.
REFLECTIONS ON
FORGIVENESS from Signs of The Times.
His name Is Michael Ross, and his
address is DEATH ROW. He writes: "I am the
worst of the worst on my unit. I
have killed more people by my hand than the rest of
the prisoners here on Death Row
combined. Yet, by God’s grace, today I experience
more peace of mind and more true
freedom than all these men. I'm not talking about
physical freedom. My freedom
transcends the physical world. It is a freedom that few
understand; in fact, many here mock
me when I speak about it. The freedom that I
have experienced can only be
achieved through the grace of God. I am grateful that
God has forgiven the crimes I have
committed against humanity. Whether the families of
my victims will ever forgive me I do
not know, though I pray they can. I do know that
God has taught me to forgive those
who injured me, and therein lies much of the
freedom I have experienced.
An unwanted child. My mother was
pregnant at 16 and abortion was not an option. So
she married a man she did not love
and bore a child she did not want. She had been
abused as a child and as is so
common, became an abuser. I was the brunt of her
abuse. Later, in prison, I slowly
came to realize that the anger I was harboring toward
my mother was destroying my soul. We
can find inner peace only when we realize that
we must change ourselves rather than
the people who have hurt us. I wish that I could
tell you the process of forgiving
was easy, that because I wanted to forgive, magically I
was able to forgive. The anger and
pain I was carrying along with bitterness, despair,
and self hate.
MICHAEL B. ROSS
127404
Death Row - Northern CI
PO Box 665
Somers, CT
06071-0665 USA

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