An essay by Clifford Olson

Democracy cannot be maintained without its foundations; free public freedom of though, belief, opinion, and expression, including freedom of association, and discussion throughout the nation of Canada of all matters affecting the Canadian nation within the limits set by the Canadian charter of Rights and Freedoms and by the Criminal Code of Common Law.
Essay and Reflections
Euthanasia and the death penalty
Does support for capital punishment undermine the sanctity of life?
A couple of months ago there was a recent, high-profile news story here in
Canada, which centered on the infliction of death-the dismissal of the first
degree murder charge against Dr. Nancy Morrison in relation to the death of her
patient Paul Mills and the execution of Karla Faye Tucker by the State of
Texas-raise the question of the relationship between euthanasia and the
death penalty. Although the death penalty has been abolished in Canada,
there are people, for instance some members of the Reform Party, in Canada here,
to who I compare them as racism and Nazis, promoting its reintroduction,
claiming that a majority of Canadians support this. Many of these same people
are also strongly anti-euthanasia. Are those who support the death
penalty consistent in their beliefs about the rightness or wrongness of killing
another human? In particular, could support for the death penalty promote the
legalization of euthanasia?
As I see it, one of the most important rules on which we base our societies and
their legal system is that we must not kill each other. We need to take
great care in derogating from this rule. The primary justification that
underlies the four traditional exceptions is that the infliction of death is
necessary to save human life. In law, in Canada these are examples of a defense
of necessity.
TO PROTECT LIFE
The doctrine of self-defense applies only to the extent that the person who
kills used reasonable force and believed on reasonable grounds that this degree
of his or her own life or to protect the lives of others.
In international law, a stringent definition of a just war is that this
characterization only applies to armed conflict that is necessary to avoid a
serious threat to the lives of people facing an aggressor. This is a collective
self-defense justification.
The original justification for abortion was that this intervention was necessary
to save the mother's life or avoid a ver serious risk to her life or health.
[Today, abortion on demand is justified on the grounds that the fetus is not yet
a person and, therefore, does not count as the taking of human life. Once a
fetus is seen as a person, however, its life is only taken when this is
necessary to save the mother's life or avoid a serious risk to her life or
health.]
The death penalty was initially justified on the ground that it was a merited
and appropriate punishment. Although Western democracies became less comfortable
with a straight punitive approach that involved the taking of human life, even
when this was in response to murder, capital punishment was viewed as necessary
to protect people's lives, pursuant to the views that a person who had
intentionally killed like Clifford Robert Olson [myself] was likely to kill
again and that it was a strong general deterrent to others who might kill.
consequently, these societies restricted the death penalty to murder. But most
of these same societies now recognize that capital punishment is not an
effective deterrent and that we no longer need to kill murderers and serial
killers such as Clifford Robert Olson, to protect life. This means that
justifying capital punishment could be used as a precedent for justifying
euthanasia.
Like capital punishment today, euthanasia, were it to be legalized, falls
outside the traditional justification for taking life. It involves killing a
person, although for reasons of the utmost mercy and compassion-other than to
save another human life. The same is true for capital punishment, minus the
reasons. But, if one agrees with the taking of human life in the capital
punishment, for many people these reasons make a more compelling case for
justification of euthanasia than for capital punishment.
The only killing which we can justify while maintaining a profound respect for
human life is that which is necessary in order to preserve human life. There is,
therefore, a fundamental inconsistency in the approach of those who are
pro-death penalty but anti-euthanasia on the ground that the latter
derogates from sanctity of life values.
This contradiction may reflect an other inconsistency in the attitudes of people
who adopt this position with regard to individual rights. Intense individualism
[the concept that individual rights always trump claims based on the harm to the
community that exercising these rights involves] is operative in the service of
the death penalty. For instance, in a radio interview which I heard, Richard
Thornton, who's wife, Debra, was killed by Karla Faye Tucker,
passionately proclaimed, "Don't ask for capital punishment, demand it. It's your
right."
Intense individualism also supports the argument that euthanasia should be
legalized because access to this is an essential element of one's right to
autonomy and self-determination. But many people who approve of capital
punishment are highly critical of intense individualism in the context of
euthanasia. They believe that claims to euthanasia based on the individual right
to determine what happens to oneself are overwhelmingly out weighed by the
societal interest in maintaining the utmost respect for human life, which
requires the prohibition of euthanasia.
STATE-SANCTIONED KILLING
They do not recognize that the death penalty also derogates from this
value and, in doing so, the harm it causes to society is one of the same nature
as that involved in legalizing euthanasia. Likewise, they regard the taking of
human life through euthanasia as inherently evil, but do not view the taking of
human life through state-sanctioned killing in the same way.
These people justify their distinction between the acceptability of capital
punishment and euthanasia on the basis that the Bible does not prohibit capital
punishment, which is deserved and just according to God's law, but does prohibit
euthanasia as contravening sanctity of life values. Such as justification does
not hold in a secular society and it is very difficult to find a widely accepted
alternative justification. I the absence of this, those who are pro-capital
punishment and anti-euthanasia must choose which of the two positions they wish
to promote for society as a whole. Either capital punishment and euthanasia are
both wrong because they involve taking a human life other than to protect human
life, or both can be justified in certain circumstances.
SITUATIONAL ETHICS
Leaving aside religious belief, of the four combined positions that can be taken
on capital punishment and euthanasia, from a secular perspective only the
"pro-capital punishment, anti-euthanasia" one is inherently inconsistent with
respect to the rightness or wrongness of taking human life.
Those who agree with both capital punishment and euthanasia adopt a situational
ethics approach. taking human life is not seen as inherently wrong, it all
depends on the circumstances. Capital punishment, where there are safeguards to
prevent error or abuse in it's application, can be a just penalty on the basis
that one can forfeit one's life through a very serious crime, and one can
consent to being killed through euthanasia.
Those who are against capital punishment and agree with euthanasia give primacy
to the value of individual liberty. they believe that one can consent to the
taking of one's own life, but must not take that of another.
And those who are against capital punishment and against euthanasia reflect a
true pro-life stance-all killing [except usually as a last resort in
self-defense] is wrong.
Clifford Robert Olson
January 25, 2000
SERIAL KILLERS LIVE HERE
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